Wikia

Psychology Wiki

Minority stress

Talk0
34,139pages on
this wiki

Assessment | Biopsychology | Comparative | Cognitive | Developmental | Language | Individual differences | Personality | Philosophy | Social |
Methods | Statistics | Clinical | Educational | Industrial | Professional items | World psychology |

Social psychology: Altruism · Attribution · Attitudes · Conformity · Discrimination · Groups · Interpersonal relations · Obedience · Prejudice · Norms · Perception · Index · Outline


Minority stress describes chronically high levels of stress faced by members of [[stigmatized[[ minority groups.[1] It may be caused by a number of factors, including poor social support and low socioeconomic status, but the most well understood causes of minority stress are interpersonal prejudice and discrimination.[2][3] Indeed, numerous scientific studies have shown that minority individuals experience a high degree of prejudice, which causes stress responses (e.g., high blood pressure, anxiety) that accrue over time, eventually leading to poor mental and physical health.[1][3][4][5] Minority stress theory summarizes these scientific studies to explain how difficult social situations lead to chronic stress and poor health among minority individuals. It is an important concept for psychologists and public health officials who seek to understand and reduce minority health disparities.

Theoretical Development Edit

Emergence Edit

Over the past three decades, social scientists have found that minority individuals suffer from mental and physical health disparities compared to their peers in majority groups. This research has focused primarily on racial and sexual minorities. For example, African Americans have been found to suffer elevated rates of hypertension compared to Whites.[6] Lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) individuals face higher rates of suicide, substance abuse, and cancer relative to heterosexuals.[7][8][9] These health disparities impact day-to-day well-being as well as overall life expectancy, leading social scientists to ask: How can we reduce minority health disparities? In order to answer this question, it was first important to explore the underlying causes of the disparities.

Social Selection Hypothesis Edit

One causal explanation for minority health disparities is the social selection hypothesis, which holds that there is something inherent to being in a minority group (e.g., genetics) that makes individuals susceptible to health problems.[10][11] In general, this view has not been supported by empirical research. If minority individuals were genetically predisposed to poor health outcomes, the vast majority of them should face health disparities. However, large-scale empirical studies have shown that not all LGB individuals suffer psychopathology and that many African Americans do not have heart disease.[6][12] Instead, research suggests that environmental factors explain minority health disparities better than do genetic factors.[13][14] While the social selection hypothesis is still debated, it is clear that genetic and dispositional factors do not fully explain the health disparities observed in minority groups.

Social Causation Hypothesis Edit

A second hypothesis regarding the causes of minority health disparities suggests that minority group members face difficult social situations that lead to poor health.[11] This hypothesis has received broad empirical support.[4] Indeed, social psychologists have long recognized that minority individuals have different social experiences compared to majority individuals, including prejudice and discrimination, unequal socioeconomic status, and limited access to health care.[15][16] According to the social causation hypothesis, such difficult social experiences explain health differences between minority and majority individuals.[11][4]

Overview of Minority Stress Theory Edit

Minority stress theory extends the social causation hypothesis by suggesting that social situations do not lead directly to poor health for minority individuals, but that difficult social situations cause stress for minority individuals, which accrues over time, resulting in long-term health deficits.[1][17] Furthermore, minority stress theory distinguishes between distal and proximal stress processes.[4] Distal stress processes are external to the minority individual, including experiences with rejection, prejudice, and discrimination. Proximal stress processes are internal, and are often the byproduct of distal stressors; they include concealment of one’s minority identity, vigilance and anxiety about prejudice, and negative feelings about one’s own minority group. Together, distal and proximal stressors accrue over time, leading to chronically high levels of stress that cause poor health outcomes. Thus, minority stress theory has three primary tenets:

  1. Minority status leads to increased exposure to distal stressors.
  2. Minority status leads to increased exposure to proximal stressors, due to distal stressors.
  3. Minority individuals suffer adverse health outcomes, which are caused by exposure to proximal and distal stressors.

These three tenets of the minority stress theory have been tested in over 134 empirical studies, most of which examined racial and sexual minority populations.[3] Generally, the studies have confirmed that difficult social situations are associated with stress among minority individuals, and that minority stress helps to explain health disparities.

Evidence of Key Concepts Edit

Minority status and distal stressors Edit

The first tenet of minority stress theory holds that being in a minority group is associated with increased exposure to distal stressors, such as prejudice and discrimination. Indeed, despite significant improvement over the past several decades, numerous studies have confirmed that minority individuals continue to face high rates of distal stressors.[18] For example, in large-scale national surveys, LGB individuals report high rates of prejudice and discrimination across the lifespan.[19][20][21] One survey found that one-fourth of LGB adults have experienced victimization related to their sexual orientation, and another found that as many as 90% of LGBT youth report hearing prejudiced remarks at school.[22][23] Similarly, up to 60% of African Americans report experiencing distal stressors throughout their lives, ranging from social rejection at school to housing discrimination and employment discrimination.[24][25][26][27] In one study, 37 African American respondents recalled over 100 discrete experiences with racist prejudice in a two-year period.[28] In another study, 98% of Black participants reported experiencing at least one incidence of prejudice in the past year.[29]

Rates of exposure to distal stressors are much higher among racial and sexual minorities than among majority individuals. For example, LGB adults are twice as likely to recall experiencing prejudice throughout their lives compared to heterosexuals, and LGBT youth report significantly higher rates of prejudice and discrimination compared to their heterosexual peers.[23][30][31] In one carefully controlled study, researchers compared rates of victimization among LGBT youth and their heterosexual siblings, and they found significantly higher rates of abuse among the LGB individuals.[32] Comparing rates of perceived discrimination among African American and White individuals, researchers have found large differences in reports of discrimination: 30.9% of Whites reported experiencing “major discrimination” throughout their lives compared to 48.9% of African Americans. Similarly, 3.4% of Whites reported experiencing discrimination “often” in their lives, compared to 24.8% of African Americans.[33] Thus, collectively, research suggests that minority individuals face frequent exposure to distal stressors compared to their majority group counterparts.[2][34][35]

Minority status and proximal stressors Edit

Proximal stressors are internal processes that are presumed to occur following exposure to distal stressors.[4] Examples of proximal stressors include fear of rejection, rumination (psychology) on previous experiences with prejudice, and distaste for one’s own minority group following a prejudice event.[1][17] Most research on this topic focuses on either sexual minorities or African Americans, and it is unclear whether the proximal stress processes are conceptually similar between these two groups. Thus, it is necessary to review proximal stress processes separately for sexual minority and African American populations.

Proximal stressors among sexual minorities Edit

A growing body of research indicates that exposure to distal stressors leads to proximal stressors in LGBT populations. For example, LGBT youth and adults who have experienced prejudice about their sexual orientation sometimes choose to conceal their sexual identity from others.[36][37][38] Concealing such personal information causes significant psychological distress, including intrusive thoughts about the secret, shame and guilt, anxiety, and isolation from other members of the minority group.[37][39][40][41] Internalized homophobia is another proximal stressor prevalent among LGBT individuals. It refers to the internalization of negative social views about homosexuality, which leads to self-hatred and poor self-regard.[42][43] As predicted by minority stress theory, internalized homophobia is associated with exposure to distal stressors, insofar as it only occurs because LGBT individuals are exposed to negative societal attitudes toward homosexuality and transgender.[44] Rejection sensitivity represents a third proximal stress among sexual minority individuals. Rejection sensitivity refers to chronic, anxious expectations of rejection based on one's stigmatized status. Among sexual minority individuals, rejection sensitivity emerges from experiences of rejection from parents and is associated with internalized homophobia, unassertiveness, depression, and anxiety.[45][46] Thus, previous experiences with prejudice are associated with proximal stress among LGBT individuals, including concealment of their sexual identity, internalized homophobia, and rejection sensitivity.

Proximal stressors among African Americans Edit

Among African Americans, proximal stressors were described by early social psychological theorists. For example, Erving Goffman observed that racial minorities approach social interactions with a high degree of anxiety, because they have been discriminated against in the past.[47] Similarly, Gordon Allport asserted that African American individuals display vigilance after exposure to prejudice, actively scanning the social environment for potential threats.[15] Such vigilance is presumed to be taxing, sapping emotional and cognitive energy from minority individuals and thus becoming stressful. Proximal stressors also have been demonstrated among African Americans in terms of stereotype threat.[48][49] Researchers have shown that, when African Americans are reminded of their racial minority status in an academic context, they face a high degree of anxiety, causing their intellectual performance to suffer.[49]

General proximal stressors among minority individuals Edit

The proximal stress processes reviewed above are unique to specific minority groups; for example, internalized homophobia is a proximal stressor unique to LGBT individuals who experience prejudice about their sexual and or/gender orientation/expression, and vigilance against racism is unique to racial minorities who fear future experiences with race-based discrimination. It is also possible that more general psychological processes act as proximal stressors for minority individuals.[50] For example, exposure to prejudice may lead to rumination, which is a common psychological phenomenon characterized by a maladaptive, repetitive, and obsessive focus on a past event that leads to depressive and anxious symptoms.[51][52] Several recent studies have shown that distal stressors are associated with such general proximal stress processes among minority individuals. In one longitudinal study, researchers found that gay men who experienced distal stressors related to their sexual orientation had an increased tendency to ruminate, which was associated with increased depressive and anxious symptoms compared to gay men who did not experience distal stressors.[53] In another study, LGBT youth reported higher rates of rumination on days when they experienced distal stressors; rumination in turn was associated with psychological distress.[54] Because minority individuals have been shown to face high rates of distal stressors compared to majority individuals, and because experiencing distal stressors is associated with general psychological stress processes such as rumination and anxiety, these findings highlight the more general ways in which prejudice and discrimination may affect internal stress processes among minority individuals.

Minority stress and health outcomes Edit

The bulk of minority stress research has examined the third tenet of the theory – namely, that distal and proximal stressors are associated with adverse health outcomes for minority individuals. These outcomes include both mental and physical health disparities, which differ across minority groups. Again, studies have yet to systematically determine whether minority stress is associated with different health outcomes among different minority groups. Thus, it is necessary to review associations between minority stress and health separately for LGB and African American groups, as social scientists do not know whether stress causes similar outcomes across groups.

Minority stress and health outcomes among sexual minorities Edit

LGBT individuals face higher rates of psychopathology compared to their non-LGBT peers. For example, population-based studies have shown that LGBT people are at risk for increased rates of substance abuse, suicide attempts, depression, and anxiety across the lifespan.[7][8][55][56][57] In fact, one meta analysis found that LGB individuals are 2.5 times more likely to have a lifetime history of mental disorder compared to heterosexuals, and 2 times more likely to have a current mental disorder.[1] In terms of physical health, LGB individuals are at heightened risks for some types of cancer and immune dysfunction.[9]

Several studies have linked these negative health outcomes to distal stressors. For example, in a national survey, LGBT adults displayed higher rates of psychiatric morbidity and also reported significantly higher rates of prejudice and discrimination compared to their heterosexual peers; prejudice and discrimination fully explained the link between sexual orientation and psychiatric symptoms for LGBT respondents.[30] In another study, level of peer victimization partially explained associations between sexual orientation and suicide risk.[58] Perceived level of discrimination has also been shown to predict anxiety and substance abuse disorders among LGB individuals.[22][59]

Proximal stressors have also been linked to negative health outcomes for sexual minorities. For example, internalized homophobia has been linked to self-harm and eating disorders as well as sexual risk-taking behavior.[43][60] Internalized homophobia has also been linked to general psychological distress, which predicts long-term mental health outcomes.[22] Thus, both distal and proximal social stressors are associated with negative mental health outcomes among sexual minorities. Scientists have yet to determine conclusively whether minority stress predicts physical health outcomes in LGB communities.

Minority stress and health outcomes among African Americans Edit

African Americans have been shown to suffer notable health disparities compared to their White peers. For example, they suffer higher rates of morbidity due to stroke, perinatal disease, and diabetes mellitus compared to Whites.[61] They also suffer high rates of colorectal, pancreatic, and stomach cancers.[61] In terms of mental health, African Americans report lower rates of overall life satisfaction, as well as heightened depressive symptoms and substance abuse compared to Whites.[62][63]

Distal stressors have been linked to these health disparities among African Americans. For example, one study showed that perceived prejudice was associated with irregular blood pressure throughout the day, which has been linked to long-term cardiovascular disease.[64][65] Exposure to racial prejudice has also been linked to negative health behaviors, such as smoking and substance abuse, which are associated with poor cardiovascular health.[29][66] Indeed, a recent meta analysis of 36 empirical studies revealed consistent effects of prejudice and discrimination on physical health (e.g., cardiovascular disease, hypertension, diabetes) among racial minorities.[3] That same review revealed that racial prejudice and discrimination were related to depressive symptoms and psychiatric distress in 110 empirical studies.[3] Individual studies have shown that reports of discrimination are associated with lower reports of happiness and life satisfaction, higher psychiatric distress, and depressive symptoms.[67][68][69] Thus, exposure to distal stressors has been linked to poor mental and physical health outcomes for African Americans.

Other studies have linked proximal stressors and health outcomes for African Americans. For example, researchers have found that African Americans have a sense of inferiority and low self-worth due to experiences with prejudice, which are associated with emotional distress.[70] Similarly, internalized racism has been linked to psychiatric symptoms, including high rates of alcohol consumption, low self-esteem, and depression.[71][72][73] These findings corroborate the minority stress theory by demonstrating that proximal stressors are associated with health disparities among racial minorities.

Criticism and Limitations Edit

Despite multiple studies indicating that minority individuals face a high degree of stress related to their minority identity, and that minority stress is associated with poor health outcomes, there are several methodological limitations and ongoing debates on this topic.

First, the minority stress concept has been criticized as focusing too narrowly on the negative experiences of minority individuals and ignoring the unique coping strategies and social support structures available to them.[74][75] While theoretical writings about minority stress do note the importance of coping mechanisms for minority individuals,[1] individual studies that use minority stress theory tend to focus on negative health outcomes rather than on coping mechanisms. In the future, it will be important for researchers to consider both positive and negative aspects of minority group membership, examining whether and why one of those aspects outweighs the other in determining minority health outcomes.

Also, few studies have been able to test minority stress theory in full. Most studies have examined one of the three links described above, demonstrating that minority individuals face heightened rates of prejudice, that minority individuals face health disparities, or that prejudice is related to health disparities. Together, findings from these three areas corroborate minority stress theory, but a stronger test would examine all three parts in the same study. While there have been a few such studies,[30] further replication is necessary to support the presumed pathways underlying minority stress.

Most studies of minority stress are correlational.[3] While these studies have the advantage of using large, national datasets to establish links between minority status, stressors, and health, they cannot demonstrate causality. That is, most of the existing research cannot prove that prejudice causes stress, which causes poor health outcomes among minority individuals, because correlation does not imply causation. One way to remedy this limitation is to employ experimental and longitudinal research designs to test the impact of social stressors on health. Indeed, several recent studies have begun to use these more stringent tests of minority stress.[76][77] Additional studies are needed to confidently state that prejudice causes poor health for minority individuals.

Finally, it is unclear whether different minority groups face different types of minority stress and different health outcomes following prejudice. Minority stress theory was originally developed to explain associations between social situations, stress, and health for LGB individuals.[1] Still, researchers have used the same general theory to examine stress processes among African Americans, and findings have generally converged with those from LGB populations. Thus, it is possible that minority stress applies broadly to members of diverse minority groups. However, studies have yet to directly compare experiences, stress responses, and health outcomes among individuals from diverse minority groups.[3] Systematic comparisons are necessary to clarify whether minority stress applies to all minority individuals broadly, or whether different models are required for different groups.

Practical Applications Edit

Minority stress research has demonstrated that several specific processes are associated with minority health disparities. For example, existing studies highlight the differences between distal and proximal stressors, drawing attention both to socio-cultural factors (e.g., high rates of prejudice against minority individuals) and internal processes (e.g., rumination) that affect minority well-being. By separating the socio-cultural and individual aspects of minority stress, the theory suggests that practical interventions must occur at both the individual and social levels.[17]

Social Applications Edit

On the societal level, minority stress research shows that prejudice and discrimination are common occurrences for minority individuals, and that they have damaging effects for individual well-being. This information has been used by law enforcement, policymakers, and social organizations to target and minimize the occurrence of distal stressors and, thus, to improve minority health on a large scale.[17] For example, evidence that prejudice is associated with minority stress has been used in several amicus curiae briefs to settle important court cases regarding prejudice and discrimination against minority groups.[78][79] Evidence that prejudice and discrimination are associated with minority stress that harms well-being for LGB individuals has also been invoked in the congressional debate about anti-harassment protection for LGB youth at the federal level.[17] In the future, the minority stress concept can be used to advocate for federal funding for nationwide campaigns and interventions that aim to reduce intergroup prejudice. If successful, these programs may reduce the rate of distal stressors, significantly improving the mental and physical health of minority individuals.

Individual Applications Edit

On the individual level, minority stress research has uncovered differences in how minorities react to prejudice. For example, studies have shown that some individuals ruminate on experiences with prejudice, which is associated with anxiety and depression.[53] This information can be used to develop effective therapies for use with minority individuals, which teach them not to ruminate on experiences with prejudice in order to improve well-being. Similarly, minority stress research has revealed that internalized stigma (i.e., distaste for one's own minority group) is associated with negative psychological outcomes. From these findings, clinicians have developed some interventions to decrease internalized stigma and improve well-being for minority individuals.[17][80] When paired with structural interventions, these clinical applications for reducing minority stress may help to improve the pervasive health disparities observed in minority communities.[17]

See alsoEdit

References Edit

  1. 1.0 1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.5 1.6 Meyer, I. H. (2003). Prejudice, social stress, and mental health in lesbian, gay, and bisexual populations: Conceptual issues and research evidence. Psychological Bulletin, 129, 674-697.
  2. 2.0 2.1 Clark, R., Anderson, N. B., Clark, V. R., & Williams, D. R. (1999). Racism as a stressor for African Americans: A biopsychosocial model. American Psychologist, 54, 805-816.
  3. 3.0 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4 3.5 3.6 Pascoe, E. A., & Richman, L. S. (2009). Perceived discrimination and health: A meta-analytic review. Psychological Bulletin, 135, 531-554.
  4. 4.0 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 Dohrenwend, B. P. (2000). The role of adversity and stress in psychopathology: Some evidence and its implications for theory and research. Journal of Health and Social Behavior, 41, 1-19.
  5. Meyer, I. H., & Northridge, M. E. (Eds.). (2007). The health of sexual minorities: Public health perspectives on lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender populations. New York: Springer.
  6. 6.0 6.1 McNeilly, M., Anderson, N. B., Robinson, E. F., McManus, C. F., Armstead, C. A., Clark, R., Pieper, C. F., Simons, C, & Saulter, T. D. (1996). The convergent, discriminant, and concurrent criterion validity of the perceived racism scale: A multidimensional assessment of White racism among African Americans. In R. L. Jones (Ed.), Handbook of tests and measurements for Black populations (Vol. 2, pp. 359-374). Hampton: Cobb and Henry.
  7. 7.0 7.1 Cochran, S. D., & Mays, V. M. (2000). Lifetime prevalence of suicide symptoms and affective disorders among men reporting same-sex sexual partners: Results from NHANES III. American Journal of Public Health, 90, 573-578.
  8. 8.0 8.1 Burgard, S. A., Cochran, S. D., & Mays, V. M. (2005). Alcohol and tobacco use patterns among heterosexually and homosexually experienced California women. Drug and Alcohol Dependence, 77, 61-70.
  9. 9.0 9.1 Bowen, D. J., Boehmer, U., & Russo, M. (2003). Cancer and sexual minority women. In I. H. Meyer and M. E. Northridge (Eds.), The Health of Sexual Minorities. Washington, DC: APA.
  10. Bailey, J. M. (1999). Homosexuality and mental illness. Archives of General Psychiatry, 56, 883-884.
  11. 11.0 11.1 11.2 Dohrenwend, B. P. (1966). Social status and psychological disorder: An issue of substance and an issue of method. American Sociological Review, 31, 14-34.
  12. Cochran, S. D., & Mays, V. M. (2009). Burden of psychiatric morbidity among lesbian, gay, and bisexual individuals in the California Quality of Life Survey. Journal of Abnormal Psychology, 118, 647-58.
  13. Williams, D. R. (1994). The concept of race in Health Services Research: 1966 to 1990. Health Services Research, 29, 261–74.
  14. Goodman, A. H. (2000). Why genes don't count (for racial differences in health). American Journal of Public Health, 90, 1699–702.
  15. 15.0 15.1 Allport, G. W. (1954). The nature of prejudice. New York: Anchor.
  16. Garnets, L. D., Herek, G. M., & Levy. B. (1990). Violence and victimization of lesbians and gay men: Mental health consequences. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 5, 366-383.
  17. 17.0 17.1 17.2 17.3 17.4 17.5 17.6 Meyer, I. H. (2007). Prejudice and discrimination as social stressors. In I. H. Meyer and M. E. Northridge (Eds.), The Health of Sexual Minorities. Washington, DC: APA.
  18. Williams, D. R. (1999). Race, socioeconomic status, and health: The added affects of racism and discrimination. Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, 896, 173-188.
  19. Herek, G. M., & Berrill, K. T. (1992). Hate crimes: Confronting violence against lesbian and gay men. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
  20. Human Rights Watch. (2001). Hatred in the hallways: Violence and discrimination against lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender students in U.S. schools. New York: Human Rights Watch.
  21. Safe Schools Coalition of Washington. (1999). Eighty-three thousand youth: Selected findings of eight population-based studies as they pertain to anti-gay harassment and the safety and well-being of sexual minority students. Seattle: Safe Schools Coalition of Washington.
  22. 22.0 22.1 22.2 Herek, G. M., Gillis, J. R., & Cogan, J. C. (1999). Psychological sequelae of hate-crime victimization among lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender adults. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 67, 945-951.
  23. 23.0 23.1 GLSEN. (1999). GLSEN’s national school climate survey: Lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender students and their experiences in school. New York: GLSEN.
  24. Sigelman, L., & Welch, S. (1991). Black Americans' views of racial inequality: The dream deferred. New York: Cambridge University Press.
  25. Farrell, W. C, Jr., & Jones, C. K. (1988). Recent racial incidents in higher education: A preliminary perspective. The Urban Review, 20, 211-226.
  26. Yinger, J. (1995). Closed doors, opportunities lost: The continuing costs of housing discrimination. New York: Sage.
  27. Kirschenman, J., & Neckerman, K. M. (1991). We'd love to hire them, but... The meaning of race for employers. In C. Jenkins & P. E. Peterson (Eds.), The urban underclass (pp. 203-232). Washington, DC: Brookings Institution.
  28. Feagin, J. R. (1991). The continuing significance of race: Antiblack discrimination in public places. American Sociological Review, 56, 101-116.
  29. 29.0 29.1 Landrine, H., & Klonoff, E. A. (1996). The Schedule of Racist Events: A measure of racial discrimination and a study of its negative physical and mental health consequences. Journal of Black Psychology, 22, 144-168.
  30. 30.0 30.1 30.2 Mays, V.M., & Cochran, S.D. (2001). Mental health correlates of perceived discrimination among LGBT adults in the United States. American Journal of Public Health, 91, 1869–1876.
  31. Faulkner, A. H., & Cranston, K. (1998). Correlates of same-sex sexual behavior in a random sample of Massachusetts high school students. American Journal of Public Health, 88, 262-266.
  32. Balsam, K. F., Rothblum, E. D., & Beauchaine, T. P. (2005). Victimization over the life span: A comparison of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and heterosexual siblings. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 73, 477-487.
  33. Kessler, R. C., Mickelson, K. D., & Williams, D. R. (1999). The prevalence, distribution, and mental health correlates of perceived discrimination in the United States. Journal of Health and Social Behavior, 40, 208-230.
  34. Bell, D. (1992). Faces at the bottom of the well: The permanence of racism. New York: Basic Books.
  35. Dovidio, J. F. and Gaertner, S.L. (Eds.) (1986) Prejudice, discrimination and racism. New York: Academic Press.
  36. Croteau, J. M. (1996). Research on the work experience of lesbian, gay, and bisexual people: an integrative review of methodology and findings. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 48, 195-209.
  37. 37.0 37.1 D’Augelli, A. R., & Grossman, A. H. (2001). Disclosure of sexual/gender orientation, victimization, and mental health among lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender older adults. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 16, 1008-1027.
  38. Pachankis, J. E. (2007). The psychological implications of concealing a stigma: A cognitive-affective-behavioral model. Psychological Bulletin, 133, 328-345.
  39. Smart, L., & Wegner, D. M. (1999). Covering up what can’t be seen: Concealable stigma and mental control. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 77, 474-486.
  40. Bucci, W. (1995). The power of the narrative: A multiple code account. In Pennebaker, J. W. (Ed.) Emotion, disclosure, & health. American Psychological Association, Washington, DC, pp. 93-122.
  41. Frable, D. E. S., Platt, L., & Hoey, S. (1998). Concealable stigmas and positive self-perceptions: feeling better around similar others. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 74, 909-922.
  42. Maylon, A. (1982). Psychotherapeutic implications of internalized homophobia in gay men. In Gonsiorek, J. (Ed.) Homosexuality and psychotherapy: A practitioner’s handbook of affirmative models. New York: Haworth Press, pp. 59-70.
  43. 43.0 43.1 Meyer, I. H., & Dean, L. (1998). Internalized homophobia, intimacy, and sexual behavior among gay and bisexual men. In Herek, G. M. (Ed.) Stigma and sexual orientation: Understanding prejudice against lesbians, gay men, and bisexuals. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, pp. 160-186.
  44. Smith, J. (1980). Ego-dystonic homosexuality. Comprehensive Psychology, 21, 119-127.
  45. Feinstein, Brian A., Marvin R. Goldfried, and Joanne Davila. "The relationship between experiences of discrimination and mental health among lesbians and gay men: An examination of internalized homonegativity and rejection sensitivity as potential mechanisms." Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology 80.5 (2012): 917-927.
  46. Pachankis, J.E., Goldfried, M.R., & Ramrattan, M. (2008). Extension of the rejection sensitivity construct to the interpersonal functioning of gay men. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 76, 306-317.
  47. Goffman E. (1963). Stigma: Notes on the Management of Spoiled Identity. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall.
  48. Steele, C. M. (1997). A threat in the air: how stereotypes shape intellectual identity and performance. The American Psychologist, 52, 613-629.
  49. 49.0 49.1 Steele, C. M., & Aronson, J. (1995). Stereotype threat and the intellectual test performance of African Americans. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 69, 797-811.
  50. Hatzenbuehler, M. L. (2009). How does sexual minority stigma “get under the skin”? A psychological mediation framework. Psychological Bulletin, 135, 707-730.
  51. Nolen-Hoeksema S. (1991). Responses to depression and their effects on the duration of depressive episodes. Journal of Abnormal Psychology, 100, 569-582.
  52. Nolen-Hoeksema S, Wisco BE, Lyubomirsky S. (2008). Rethinking rumination. Perspectives on Psychological Science, 3, 400-424.
  53. 53.0 53.1 Hatzenbuehler, M. L., Hilt, L. M., & Nolen-Hoeksema, S. (2010). Gender, sexual orientation, and vulnerability to depression. In Chrisler, J., & McCreary, D. (Eds.) Handbook of Gender Research in Psychology. New York: Springer.
  54. Hatzenbuehler, M. L., Nolen-Hoeksema, S., & Dovidio, J. F. (2009). How does stigma “get under the skin?” The mediating role of emotion regulation. Psychological Science, 20, 1282-1289.
  55. Cochran, S. D., Keenan, C., Schober, C., & Mays, V. M. (2000). Estimates of alcohol use and clinical treatment needs among LGBT individuals in the United States. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 68, 1062-1071.
  56. Cochran, S. D., & Mays, V. M. (2000). Relation between psychiatric syndromes and behaviorally defined sexual orientation in a sample of the US population. American Journal of Epidemiology, 151, 516-623.
  57. Gilman, S. E., Cochran, S. D., Mays, V. M., Hughes, M., Ostrow, D., & Kessler, R. C. (2001). Risk of psychiatric disorders among individuals reporting same-sex sexual partners in the National Comorbidity Survey. American Journal of Public Health, 91, 933-939.
  58. Russell, S. T., & Joyner, K. (2001). Adolescent sexual orientation and suicide risk: Evidence from a national study. American Journal of Public Health, 91, 1276-1281.
  59. McKirnan, D. J., & Peterson, P. L. Stress, expectancies, and vulnerability to substance abuse: A test of a model among homosexual men. Journal of Abnormal Psychology, 97, 461-466.
  60. Williamson, I. R. (2000). Internalized homophobia and health issues affecting lesbians and gay men. Health Education Research, 15, 97-107.
  61. 61.0 61.1 U.S. Center for Disease Control. (2004). Health, United States, 2004. Hyattsville, MD: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services.
  62. Williams, D. R., Yu, Y., Jackson, J. S., & Anderson, N. B. (1997). Racial differences in physical and mental health: Socio-economic status, stress and disctimination. Journal of Health Psychology, 2, 335-351.
  63. Williams, D. R., & Williams-Morris, R. (2000). Racism and mental health: The African American experience. Ethnicity & Health, 5, 243-268.
  64. Brondolo, E., Libby, D. J., Denton, E., Thompson, S., Beatty, D. L., Schwartz, J., Sweeney, M., Tobin, J. N., Cassells, A., Pickering, T. G., and Gerin, W. (2008). Racism and ambulatory bood pressure in a community sample. Psychosomatic Medicine, 70, 49-56.
  65. Steffen, P. R., McNeilly, M., Anderson, N., & Sherwood, A. (2003). Effects of perceived racism and anger inhibition on ambulatory blood pressure in African Americans. Psychosomatic Medicine, 65, 746-750.
  66. Bennett, G. G., Wolin, K. Y., Robinson, E. L., Fowler, S., & Edwards, C. L. (2005). Perceived racial/ethnic harassment and tobacco use among African American young adults. American Journal of Public Health, 95, 238-240.
  67. Thompson, V. L. (1996). Perceived experiences of racism as stressful life events. Community Mental Health, 32, 223-233.
  68. Jackson, J. S., Brown, T. N., Williams, D. R., Torres, M., Sellers, S. L., & Brown, K. (1996). Racism and the physical and mental health status of African Americans: A thirteen year national panel study. Ethnicity and Disease, 6, 132-147.
  69. Krieger, N. (1990). Racial and gender discrimination: Risk factors for high blood pressure? Social Science and Medicine, 30, 1273-1281.
  70. McCarthy, J. D., & Yancey, W. L. (1971). Uncle Tom and Mr. Charlie: Metaphysical pathos in the study of racism and personal disorganization. American Journal of Sociology, 76, 648-672.
  71. Taylor, J., & Jackson, B. (1990). Factors affecting alcohol consumption in black women, Part II. The International Journal of Addictions, 25, 1415-1427.
  72. Taylor, J., & Jackson, B. (1991). Evaluation of a holistic model of mental health symptoms in African American women. The Journal of Black Psychology, 18, 19-45.
  73. Tomes, E., Brown, A., Semenya, K., & Simpson, J. (1990). Depression in black women of low socioeconomic status: Psychological factors and nursing diagnosis. Journal of National Black Nurses Association, 4, 37-46.
  74. Diamond, L. M. (2003). Integrating research on sexual-minority and heterosexual development: Theoretical and clinical implications. Journal of Clinical Child and Adolescent Psychology, 32, 490-498.
  75. Savin-Williams, R. C. (2008). Then and now: recruitment, definition, diversity, and positive attributes of same-sex populations. Developmental Psychology, 44, 135-138.
  76. Merritt, M. M., Bennett, G. G., Jr., Williams, R. B., Edwards, C. L., & Sollers, J. J., 3rd. (2006). Perceived racism and cardiovascular reactivity and recovery to personally relevant stress. Health Psychology, 25, 364-369.
  77. Pavalko, E. K., Mossakowski, K. N., & Hamilton, V. J. (2003). Does perceived discrimination affect health? Longitudinal relationships between work discrimination and women’s physical and emotional health. Journal of Health and Social Behavior, 44, 18-33.
  78. Brief for the NLF as Amicus Curiae, Perry v. Schwarzenegger and Hollingsworth, No. 10-16696 (2010).
  79. Brief for the USCA as Amicus Curiae, Log Cabin Republicans v. United States and Gates, No. 10-56634 (2010).
  80. Crocker, J., & Major, B. (1989). Social stigma and self-esteem: The self-protective properties of stigma. Psychological Review, 96, 608-630.
This page uses Creative Commons Licensed content from Wikipedia (view authors).

Around Wikia's network

Random Wiki